The Echoes of McCarthyism:
What Should Allies and Friends
of
America Do?
By Dr Shannon Brincat and Dr Gail
Crimmins
-----------------
The revival of McCarthy-era repression under Donald
Trump’s second term raises profound ethical and political questions
for America’s global allies. Australia must navigate these tensions
carefully, protecting its democracy while rethinking its role as an
independent ally.
The Western world is in disarray, watching as the US leads the
charge against fundamental pillars of liberal global order. The
resurgence of political witch hunts under President Donald Trump’s
Executive Order 14151, which dismantles Diversity, Equity, and
Inclusion (DEI) programs and pressures institutions to survey and
report colleagues, echoes McCarthy-era repression. Teachers report on
students for
deportation by ICE squads. Protesters are threatened with
exposure at immigration
rallies, and pro-Palestine supporters—even US citizens—are
arrested and
deported. Like the Red Scare of the 1950s, the climate in the US
fosters ideological persecution, forcing individuals to choose
between complicity and defiance. This active pressuring of civil
institutions of higher education, of corporations, and even
law firms, to comply with Trump’s executive decisions calls
into question basic minority protections and whether they continue to
operate in the US system. Moreover, the actions of the president in
ignoring
court orders, calling for a stay on such executive actions to
permit judicial review, shows that the separation of powers is being
actively ruptured. When this is combined with the DOGE (Department of
Government Efficiency) cuts, the dismantling
of the US Department of Education, or the defunding
of USAID, we are seeing the real-time erosion of the civic arms
of the American state.
As our closest and most powerful ally, this places Australia
within a very difficult position as such internal policies create a
normative and ethical rift between the two countries on the grounds
of their commitment to liberalism and liberal international order.
How can Australia remain both a viable liberal democracy, a friend to
the US, and a “good international citizen”?
Trump’s second term: a revival of McCarthy-era tactics
Upon re-entering office in January 2025, President
Trump swiftly enacted executive orders targeting DEI initiatives
across federal agencies. Executive Order 14151 not only dismantled
existing DEI structures but also required agencies to compile lists
of employees involved in such initiatives. Further intensifying this
approach, Executive Order 14173, Ending Illegal Discrimination
and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity prohibits private
organisations from implementing DEI frameworks in federally
contracted jobs. This move effectively extends the administration’s
anti-DEI stance into the private sector, pressuring companies to
abandon diversity-focused programs or risk losing federal contracts.
This modern-day witch hunt stifles essential discourses on
anything outside the ambit of executive power, with devastating
effects on freedom of thought and speech. These strategies bear a
striking resemblance to the McCarthy era’s oppressive tactics.
During the 1950s, Senator Joseph McCarthy spearheaded a campaign to
root out alleged communists within the United States, leading to
widespread fear, blacklisting, and the suppression of dissent.
Individuals were coerced into naming associates, and mere accusations
could result in career devastation.
It is significant to note at this point that “Roy Cohn, whose
name is still “synonymous
with the rise of McCarthyism and its dark political arts,” was
once Trump’s personal lawyer, and likely influenced his approach to
power, confrontation, and relentless undermining of institutions.
During the McCarthy era, many
individuals refused to testify against their peers or participate in
blacklisting, demonstrating the power of solidarity.
Organisations like the American
Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) historically played pivotal roles in
challenging unconstitutional actions. Perhaps most important in the
contemporary context are forms of civil non-compliance. Some
corporations like
Costco have maintained their commitment to diversity programs and
many
in the higher education community and individual
academics have voiced opposition to executive interference.
Today, at least twelve
of Trump’s executive orders are being legally challenged—but
under the weight of Unitary Executive theory even this role is being
challenged, with Vice
President J. D. Vance claiming that “judges aren’t allowed to
control the executive’s legitimate power.”
What can Australia do?
What can an outside but “friendly” force do? Here, Australia
may be able to play some role towards normalisation in a world order
rocked by instability in its core.
Australia is currently wrestling with its own deep ontological
insecurities in the wake of Trump
appearing to not even know what AUKUS is and the potential that
Trump will renege
on the agreement. It has been questioned whether the
US can or would even be willing to supply the Virginia class
submarines at all. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has lamented
that the imposition of tariffs go against “the
spirit of friendship” usually found between the two countries.
Australia is also reeling from America’s aggressive treatment of
its close allies like Canada, its aggressive territorial claims made
on allies like Denmark, and most of all, the betrayal of its
Ukrainian allies during wartime. Australia’s confidence in its most
powerful ally is at an all-time low.
Every crisis is, however, an opportunity. On the one hand,
Australia now has the necessity to enact its own independent foreign
policy and re-engage—on its own terms—with the region it has for
too long neglected. Taking a reflexive foreign policy stance is
crucial for such a realignment; that is, we must consider how our
actions and policies might be perceived and reacted to by other
actors on the international stage. For example, we must take greater
account of the concerns voiced by Indonesia
and Malaysia that AUKUS engenders their insecurity.
Similarly, we must recognise that our recent self-undermining of key
principles of international law means that while Australia may have a
“self-perception”
as a country committed to a rules-based international order, others
may not share this view.
As part of this process, Australia must look inward, fortifying
its own democratic practices as an exemplar of liberal values so that
it behaves as, and is seen to behave as, a good
international citizen. Without such consistency, any credibility
will be lost. There are a number of active measures that would have
immediate effect. Enhancing democratic processes by empowering the
Australian Electoral Commission to reduce Gerrymandering and
tightening regulations on donations to political parties, investing
in protections against disinformation through a federal integrity
commission, and legislating robust
whistle-blower protection laws, would cost very little.
At the same time, Australia could, in closed diplomatic forums,
advocate for the US to return to multilateral forums internationally
and reaffirm human rights and democratic practices domestically.
Publicly, Australia should offer strong condemnation of any
democratic backsliding such as voter suppression, deportation, and
unchecked executive expansion, while supporting pro-democracy groups
across civil society.
Civic power in illiberal times
While diplomacy and statecraft matter, democratic resilience
depends on active, informed, and engaged publics, not just
governments. Democracy holds when people stay informed, engaged, and
vocal. Universities, unions, and civil organisations help anchor
liberal values through civic education, academic freedom, and
truth-telling. Universities
Australia champion active citizenship, while the Scholars
at Risk network supports persecuted academics across more than 18
Australian institutions, and independent outlets continue to fight
for press freedom, reminding us why public interest journalism
matters.
Community-led initiatives also build resilience. Programs like
YMCA
Youth Parliament foster political literacy and civic confidence
in the next generation.
Backing these efforts is how Australia strengthens its democratic
core. Civil society holds the line—and helps shape a future that
resists fear and values freedom.
In these ways, Australia can future-proof its democracy by rooting
out corruption, countering foreign influence, and investing in civic
trust—while remaining a critical but clear-eyed ally to the US.
Australia could play the role of good international citizen as a
resilient democracy that doesn’t just follow Washington’s lead
but helps steer the world toward stability. To riff on the saying
attributed to Gough Whitlam, “a truly independent Australia
would be a better ally to the US than a satellite.”
Dr
Shannon K. Brincat is a Senior Lecturer at the University of the
Sunshine Coast. His website with research and publications can be
found at https://www.shannonbrincat.com/.
Dr
Gail Crimmins is an Associate Professor at the University of the
Sunshine Coast. Her research interests include gender, equity,
diversity and inclusion and academic publications found
here: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=dQyfeLkAAAAJ&hl=en
This article is published under a Creative Commons License and was republished with permission.
