The Echoes of McCarthyism:
What Should Allies and Friends
of America Do?
By Dr Shannon Brincat and Dr Gail Crimmins
Australian Institute of International Affairs
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The revival of McCarthy-era repression under Donald Trump’s second term raises profound ethical and political questions for America’s global allies. Australia must navigate these tensions carefully, protecting its democracy while rethinking its role as an independent ally.
The Western world is in disarray, watching as the US leads the charge against fundamental pillars of liberal global order. The resurgence of political witch hunts under President Donald Trump’s Executive Order 14151, which dismantles Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs and pressures institutions to survey and report colleagues, echoes McCarthy-era repression. Teachers report on students for deportation by ICE squads. Protesters are threatened with exposure at immigration rallies, and pro-Palestine supporters—even US citizens—are arrested and deported. Like the Red Scare of the 1950s, the climate in the US fosters ideological persecution, forcing individuals to choose between complicity and defiance. This active pressuring of civil institutions of higher education, of corporations, and even law firms, to comply with Trump’s executive decisions calls into question basic minority protections and whether they continue to operate in the US system. Moreover, the actions of the president in ignoring court orders, calling for a stay on such executive actions to permit judicial review, shows that the separation of powers is being actively ruptured. When this is combined with the DOGE (Department of Government Efficiency) cuts, the dismantling of the US Department of Education, or the defunding of USAID, we are seeing the real-time erosion of the civic arms of the American state.
As our closest and most powerful ally, this places Australia within a very difficult position as such internal policies create a normative and ethical rift between the two countries on the grounds of their commitment to liberalism and liberal international order. How can Australia remain both a viable liberal democracy, a friend to the US, and a “good international citizen”?
Trump’s second term: a revival of McCarthy-era tactics
Upon re-entering office in January 2025, President Trump swiftly enacted executive orders targeting DEI initiatives across federal agencies. Executive Order 14151 not only dismantled existing DEI structures but also required agencies to compile lists of employees involved in such initiatives. Further intensifying this approach, Executive Order 14173, Ending Illegal Discrimination and Restoring Merit-Based Opportunity prohibits private organisations from implementing DEI frameworks in federally contracted jobs. This move effectively extends the administration’s anti-DEI stance into the private sector, pressuring companies to abandon diversity-focused programs or risk losing federal contracts.
This modern-day witch hunt stifles essential discourses on anything outside the ambit of executive power, with devastating effects on freedom of thought and speech. These strategies bear a striking resemblance to the McCarthy era’s oppressive tactics. During the 1950s, Senator Joseph McCarthy spearheaded a campaign to root out alleged communists within the United States, leading to widespread fear, blacklisting, and the suppression of dissent. Individuals were coerced into naming associates, and mere accusations could result in career devastation.
It is significant to note at this point that “Roy Cohn, whose name is still “synonymous with the rise of McCarthyism and its dark political arts,” was once Trump’s personal lawyer, and likely influenced his approach to power, confrontation, and relentless undermining of institutions.
During the McCarthy era, many individuals refused to testify against their peers or participate in blacklisting, demonstrating the power of solidarity. Organisations like the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) historically played pivotal roles in challenging unconstitutional actions. Perhaps most important in the contemporary context are forms of civil non-compliance. Some corporations like Costco have maintained their commitment to diversity programs and many in the higher education community and individual academics have voiced opposition to executive interference. Today, at least twelve of Trump’s executive orders are being legally challenged—but under the weight of Unitary Executive theory even this role is being challenged, with Vice President J. D. Vance claiming that “judges aren’t allowed to control the executive’s legitimate power.”
What can Australia do?
What can an outside but “friendly” force do? Here, Australia may be able to play some role towards normalisation in a world order rocked by instability in its core.
Australia is currently wrestling with its own deep ontological insecurities in the wake of Trump appearing to not even know what AUKUS is and the potential that Trump will renege on the agreement. It has been questioned whether the US can or would even be willing to supply the Virginia class submarines at all. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has lamented that the imposition of tariffs go against “the spirit of friendship” usually found between the two countries. Australia is also reeling from America’s aggressive treatment of its close allies like Canada, its aggressive territorial claims made on allies like Denmark, and most of all, the betrayal of its Ukrainian allies during wartime. Australia’s confidence in its most powerful ally is at an all-time low.
Every crisis is, however, an opportunity. On the one hand, Australia now has the necessity to enact its own independent foreign policy and re-engage—on its own terms—with the region it has for too long neglected. Taking a reflexive foreign policy stance is crucial for such a realignment; that is, we must consider how our actions and policies might be perceived and reacted to by other actors on the international stage. For example, we must take greater account of the concerns voiced by Indonesia and Malaysia that AUKUS engenders their insecurity. Similarly, we must recognise that our recent self-undermining of key principles of international law means that while Australia may have a “self-perception” as a country committed to a rules-based international order, others may not share this view.
As part of this process, Australia must look inward, fortifying its own democratic practices as an exemplar of liberal values so that it behaves as, and is seen to behave as, a good international citizen. Without such consistency, any credibility will be lost. There are a number of active measures that would have immediate effect. Enhancing democratic processes by empowering the Australian Electoral Commission to reduce Gerrymandering and tightening regulations on donations to political parties, investing in protections against disinformation through a federal integrity commission, and legislating robust whistle-blower protection laws, would cost very little.
At the same time, Australia could, in closed diplomatic forums, advocate for the US to return to multilateral forums internationally and reaffirm human rights and democratic practices domestically. Publicly, Australia should offer strong condemnation of any democratic backsliding such as voter suppression, deportation, and unchecked executive expansion, while supporting pro-democracy groups across civil society.
Civic power in illiberal times
While diplomacy and statecraft matter, democratic resilience depends on active, informed, and engaged publics, not just governments. Democracy holds when people stay informed, engaged, and vocal. Universities, unions, and civil organisations help anchor liberal values through civic education, academic freedom, and truth-telling. Universities Australia champion active citizenship, while the Scholars at Risk network supports persecuted academics across more than 18 Australian institutions, and independent outlets continue to fight for press freedom, reminding us why public interest journalism matters.
Community-led initiatives also build resilience. Programs like YMCA Youth Parliament foster political literacy and civic confidence in the next generation.
Backing these efforts is how Australia strengthens its democratic core. Civil society holds the line—and helps shape a future that resists fear and values freedom.
In these ways, Australia can future-proof its democracy by rooting out corruption, countering foreign influence, and investing in civic trust—while remaining a critical but clear-eyed ally to the US. Australia could play the role of good international citizen as a resilient democracy that doesn’t just follow Washington’s lead but helps steer the world toward stability. To riff on the saying attributed to Gough Whitlam, “a truly independent Australia would be a better ally to the US than a satellite.”
Dr Shannon K. Brincat is a Senior Lecturer at the University of the Sunshine Coast. His website with research and publications can be found at https://www.shannonbrincat.com/. Dr Gail Crimmins is an Associate Professor at the University of the Sunshine Coast. Her research interests include gender, equity, diversity and inclusion and academic publications found here: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=dQyfeLkAAAAJ&hl=en
This article is published under a Creative Commons License and was republished with permission.
